Kas\u0131m ay\u0131, modernle\u015fmek ad\u0131na Bat\u0131l\u0131la\u015fma fikrini benimseyip ahl\u00e2k\u00ee a\u00e7\u0131dan M\u00fcsl\u00fcman Anadolu halk\u0131n\u0131 Bat\u0131l\u0131 toplumlara benzetmek ad\u0131na devrimlerin yap\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131, \u201cBat\u0131c\u0131 T\u00fcrkiye\u201d a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan ehemmiyetli bir ayd\u0131r. Bunun sebebi yaln\u0131zca rejimin kurucusu M. Kemal\u2019in bu ayda \u00f6lmesi de\u011fil, Bat\u0131l\u0131la\u015fma yolunda yap\u0131lan ve toplumu do\u011frudan al\u00e2kadar eden baz\u0131 \u00f6nemli \u201cink\u0131lap\u201dlar\u0131n bu ayda hayata ge\u00e7irilmesinden kaynaklan\u0131r.<\/p>\n
Toplumu do\u011frudan ilgilendiren en ehemmiyetli ink\u0131laplardan biri olan \u201c\u015eapka \u0130ktisas\u0131 Hakk\u0131nda Kanun\u201d bu ayda \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. 25 Kas\u0131m 1925 tarihli 671 say\u0131l\u0131 \u015fapka iktisas\u0131 hakk\u0131nda kanunda \u015f\u00f6yle denilmektedir: \u201cT\u00fcrkiye B\u00fcy\u00fck Millet Meclisi azalar\u0131 ile idarei umumiye ve hususiye ve mahalliyeye ve bil\u00fcmum m\u00fcessesata mensup memurin ve m\u00fcstahdemin T\u00fcrk milletinin iktisa etmi\u015f oldu\u011fu \u015fapkay\u0131 giymek mecburiyetindedir. T\u00fcrkiye halk\u0131n\u0131n da umumi serpu\u015fu \u015fapka olup buna m\u00fcnafi bir itiyad\u0131n devam\u0131n\u0131 h\u00fck\u00fcmet meneder.\u201d Cemiyeti do\u011frudan al\u00e2kadar eden bu kanunun \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131n\u0131n hemen akabinde, ba\u015fta Rize ve Erzurum olmak \u00fczere bir\u00e7ok \u015fehirde Bat\u0131c\u0131 rejime kar\u015f\u0131 ayaklanmalar ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu kanundan hemen sonra \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lan 30 Kas\u0131m 1925 tarihli, 677 say\u0131l\u0131 \u201cTekke ve Zaviyelerle T\u00fcrbelerin Seddine ve T\u00fcrbedarl\u0131klarla Bir Tak\u0131m \u00dcnvanlar\u0131n Men\u2019 ve \u0130lgas\u0131na Dair Kanun\u201d harareti y\u00fckseltmi\u015fse de Kemalistler bu ayaklanmalar\u0131 cebren bast\u0131rm\u0131\u015f, \u201cFrenkle\u015fmeye\u201d kar\u015f\u0131 de\u011ferlerine sahip \u00e7\u0131kan ahali \u0130stikl\u00e2l Mahkemeleri vas\u0131tas\u0131yla en a\u011f\u0131r \u015fekilde cezaland\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Hatta Rize \u015fehri Hamidiye Z\u0131rhl\u0131s\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan topa tutulmu\u015f, bu hadise \u201cAtma Hamidiye atma, \u015fapka da giyece\u011fiz, vergi de verece\u011fiz!\u201d \u015feklinde t\u00fcrk\u00fclere mevzu olmu\u015ftur. Seneler s\u00fcren sava\u015flardan \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015f peri\u015fan durumdaki halk\u0131n \u015fapka giyme zorunlulu\u011fu ile iktisad\u00ee a\u00e7\u0131dan da s\u0131k\u0131nt\u0131ya s\u00fcr\u00fcklendi\u011fini s\u00f6yleyen Mete Tun\u00e7ay, Bat\u0131c\u0131 rejimin zulm\u00fcne \u015fu s\u00f6zlerle dikkat \u00e7ekmektedir: \u201cSonradan do\u011fan tepkilerin \u015fiddetle bast\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 \u00fczerine ise; hi\u00e7 kimsede \u015fapka giymenin pahal\u0131 olabilece\u011fini s\u00f6yleyecek h\u00e2l kalmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r; \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc g\u00f6r\u00fclm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr ki, art\u0131k sorun fes ya da \u015fapkay\u0131 de\u011fil, onlardan birinin giyilece\u011fi kafay\u0131 yerinde tutabilmektir.\u201d (Tun\u00e7ay, 1989: 50)<\/p>\n
Gezici \u0130stikl\u00e2l Mahkemeleri \u015fehir \u015fehir gezip, bir g\u00fcnde yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 tahkikat ve yarg\u0131lamalarla M\u00fcsl\u00fcman Anadolu ahalisini sindirmek i\u00e7in elinden geleni yapm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bunda ba\u015far\u0131l\u0131 da olmu\u015ftur. \u0130stikl\u00e2l Mahkemeleri taraf\u0131ndan yarg\u0131lanan mahk\u00fbmlar bir taraftan insanl\u0131\u011fa s\u0131\u011fmaz cezalara \u00e7arpt\u0131r\u0131l\u0131rken di\u011fer taraftan \u201cMahk\u00fbmlara \u00e7e\u015fitli yollarla kara s\u00fcr\u00fclerek kamuoyunun g\u00f6z\u00fcnden d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr\u00fclmek istendi\u011fi de dikkat \u00e7ekiyor: Akif i\u015fgal s\u0131ras\u0131nda Ruslara hizmet etmi\u015f; Abd\u00fclmecit Ermeni casusuymu\u015f vs\u2026\u201d (Tun\u00e7ay, 1989: 54) Mal\u00fbm oldu\u011fu \u00fczere \u0130skilipli At\u0131f Hoca da \u201c\u015eapka Kanunu\u201d sebebiyle \u015fehid edilen m\u00fcmtaz \u015fahsiyetlerden biriydi. Kanunun \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131ndan evvel kaleme ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u201cFrenk Mukallitli\u011fi ve \u015eapka\u201d risalesi sebebiyle dar a\u011fac\u0131na g\u00f6nderilen \u0130skilipli At\u0131f hakk\u0131nda Bat\u0131c\u0131 rejim savunucular\u0131n\u0131n \u201c\u0130skilipli i\u015fgalcilerle i\u015fbirli\u011fi yapt\u0131.\u201d gibi iftiralar\u0131n\u0131n da bu minvalde de\u011ferlendirilmesi gerekti\u011fini belirtelim.<\/p>\n
***<\/p>\n
Yukar\u0131da \u201c\u015eapka Kanunu\u201dnun y\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011fe girmesinin y\u0131ld\u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fc vesilesiyle s\u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc ettiklerimiz, Bat\u0131c\u0131 rejimin M\u00fcsl\u00fcman Anadolu insan\u0131na madd\u00ee pl\u00e2nda yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 zul\u00fcmden ibaret. Bunun daha beteri ise milleti \u00f6z k\u00f6klerinden koparmak suretiyle ruhen yapm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bat\u0131c\u0131 rejim, M\u00fcsl\u00fcman Anadolu insan\u0131n\u0131 dininden, diyanetinden, ahl\u00e2k\u0131ndan, k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcnden kopar\u0131p ilimden ve irfandan uzak \u00e7orak iklimlere atm\u0131\u015f, pi\u00e7le\u015fmi\u015f bir anlay\u0131\u015fa mahk\u00fbm k\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n
Cumhurba\u015fkan\u0131 Recep Tayyip Erdo\u011fan, ge\u00e7ti\u011fimiz g\u00fcnlerde \u0130bn Haldun \u00dcniversitesi K\u00fclliyesi A\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u015f T\u00f6reni\u2019nde yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 konu\u015fmada \u201cYa\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z her hadise ge\u00e7mi\u015fi anlamadan gelece\u011fi kavraman\u0131n m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 hat\u0131rlat\u0131yor. Meseleye siyas\u00ee ve ekonomik taraflar\u0131n\u0131 bir kenara b\u0131rakarak sadece ilmi y\u00f6n\u00fcyle bakacak olursak, Bat\u0131 d\u00fcnyas\u0131 t\u0131ptan sosyolojiye kadar pek \u00e7ok alanda ilham\u0131n\u0131 bizim k\u00f6klerimizden alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Biz kendi k\u00f6klerimizi unutarak veya d\u0131\u015flayarak onun t\u00fcrevlerini esas alarak kendimize yol ve y\u00f6n bulmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yoruz. Fikri bir buhran\u0131n i\u00e7inde \u00e7\u0131rp\u0131n\u0131yoruz. Osmanl\u0131\u2019dan Cumhuriyet\u2019e \u00fclkemizin ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bu tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n temelinde gelece\u011fimizi nerede arayaca\u011f\u0131m\u0131z olmu\u015ftur. \u00dclke ve millet olarak kendimizi kontrols\u00fcz bir bat\u0131l\u0131la\u015fma f\u0131rt\u0131nas\u0131 i\u00e7inde bulduk. Akl\u0131 h\u00fcr, fikri h\u00fcr, vicdan\u0131 h\u00fcr nesiller yeti\u015ftirilmek \u00fczere \u00e7\u0131k\u0131lan yolun bat\u0131 taklit\u00e7ili\u011fine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015f olmas\u0131 en b\u00fcy\u00fck kay\u0131pt\u0131r.\u201d diyerek mevzubahis meseleye vurgu yapm\u0131\u015f ve \u201cGen\u00e7 bir n\u00fcfusa sahibiz ama medeniyet tasavvurumuzu hayata ge\u00e7iremiyoruz. Medyam\u0131z bizim sesimizi ve nefesimizi yans\u0131tm\u0131yor. \u0130limde, sanatta, k\u00fclt\u00fcrde benzer s\u0131k\u0131nt\u0131larla kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131yay\u0131z. D\u00fcnyaya kendimizi anlatam\u0131yoruz. Bunun i\u00e7in de fikri iktidar\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 da hala tesis edemedi\u011fimiz kanaatindeyim. Hi\u00e7 kimsenin bu aray\u0131\u015ftan rahats\u0131z olmamas\u0131 gerekir. Taklit\u00e7ilik mevcudun ard\u0131ndan girmek demektir. Bize laz\u0131m olan ilham\u0131n\u0131 gelenekten alan yenilik\u00e7iliktir.\u201d demi\u015fti.<\/p>\n
Cumhurba\u015fkan\u0131 Erdo\u011fan\u2019\u0131n bahsetti\u011fi fikri iktidar\u0131n yolu do\u011frudan Bat\u0131c\u0131 rejim ve onun temel dayanaklar\u0131yla hesapla\u015f\u0131p, kayna\u011f\u0131n\u0131 bu milletin \u00f6z de\u011ferlerinden alan bir fikri cemiyetin ana \u00e7er\u00e7evesine yerle\u015ftirmek ile m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olabilir. Zira gelenekle ba\u011f\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 kopar\u0131p kurak bir iklimin do\u011fmas\u0131na sebep olan Bat\u0131c\u0131 Kemalist rejimdir. \u201cK\u00fclt\u00fcr alan\u0131nda Kemalistler, gerek dini kamusal ya\u015fam\u0131n d\u0131\u015f\u0131na s\u00fcrerek, gerekse alfabede ve dilde ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirdikleri k\u00f6kl\u00fc de\u011fi\u015fiklikler arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla gelecek ku\u015faklar\u0131n Osmanl\u0131 k\u00fclt\u00fcrel miras\u0131n\u0131 eri\u015fmesini engelleyerek bir devrim yapt\u0131lar.\u201d (Findley, 2017: 256) Kemalizm\u2019in temel ilkeleri 1931\u2019de CHP parti program\u0131nda \u201calt\u0131 ok\u201d olarak tan\u0131mland\u0131: Cumhuriyet\u00e7ilik, laiklik, milliyet\u00e7ilik, halk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k, devlet\u00e7ilik ve ink\u0131lap\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k. Halk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k, cemiyette d\u00f6nemin anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 itibariyle di\u011fer ilkelerle \u00e7eli\u015firken bilhassa \u201claiklik\u201d ile aras\u0131ndaki gerilim dikkat \u00e7ekiciydi. Laiklik halk\u0131n \u00f6nemli bir k\u0131sm\u0131n\u0131n kabul etmedi\u011fi bir \u015feydi. Halk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de hakikaten ge\u00e7erli olsa, laiklik anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 de\u011fi\u015fmek zorunda kal\u0131rd\u0131. \u201cNe var ki cumhuriyetin halk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u00e7\u00fc ve bireyci olmaktan ziyade tepeden inmeci, se\u00e7kinci ve kolektivist nitelikteydi.\u201d (Findley, 2017: 258) Yani M\u00fcsl\u00fcman Anadolu ahalisinin her bir ferdi, Bat\u0131c\u0131 elitler i\u00e7in hi\u00e7bir ehemmiyeti olmayan varl\u0131k mesabesindeydi.<\/p>\n
Devleti idaresi alt\u0131nda bulunduran bu elit grubun en ehemmiyetli m\u00fc\u015fterek paydas\u0131 ise \u0130sl\u00e2m\u2019a menfi yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131d\u0131r. Temelde milletin \u00f6z de\u011ferlerine d\u00fc\u015fman olan Bat\u0131c\u0131 rejim, kurulu\u015funun ilk y\u0131llar\u0131nda, 1924 y\u0131l\u0131na kadar, cemiyetin \u0130sl\u00e2m\u00ee hassasiyetlerinden dolay\u0131 kaba bir \u015fekilde \u0130sl\u00e2m\u2019dan y\u00f6netim arac\u0131 olarak yararlanmay\u0131 ama\u00e7lar. 1924\u2019ten 1930\u2019lar\u0131n ba\u015flar\u0131na kadar ise dini reforme ederek onu resm\u00ee ideolojiye uydurma gayreti g\u00fcder. \u201c\u0130sl\u00e2m\u2019\u0131n dili\u201dni T\u00fcrk\u00e7ele\u015ftirerek dini milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fi mazrufundan koparan \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131 anlay\u0131\u015fa payanda yapma gayreti bu \u00e7aban\u0131n bir \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcd\u00fcr. 1926 y\u0131l\u0131nda ilk T\u00fcrk\u00e7e namaz k\u0131ld\u0131r\u0131l\u0131rken 1928\u2019de \u201cDini Islah Beyannamesi\u201d yay\u0131nlan\u0131r, 1932\u2019de Kur\u2019\u00e2n ve ezan T\u00fcrk\u00e7e okunur. T\u00fcm bunlar 3 Mart 1924\u2019te hilafetin ilgas\u0131yla birlikte kurulan Diyanet \u0130\u015fleri Ba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 nezaretinde yap\u0131l\u0131r. Onur Atalay\u2019a g\u00f6re; \u201cBu d\u00f6nem itibariyle esas olan tarihsel din ile yan yana ya\u015fayan ve onu da d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcren, ondan faydalanan bir sivil dinin ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131d\u0131r, ki \u00e7ok partili d\u00f6nem de dahil olmak \u00fczere 2000\u2019lerin ba\u015f\u0131na dek ya\u015fayacak olan, de\u011fi\u015fik tonlar\u0131yla i\u015fte bu sivil din ve onun \u0130sl\u00e2m siyasetidir.\u201d (Atalay, 2019: 78) Bug\u00fcn, bu hususta herhangi bir de\u011fi\u015fimin ya\u015fand\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6ylemek \u00e7ok g\u00fc\u00e7t\u00fcr. Bunun sa\u011flamas\u0131 ise \u0130lahiyat Fak\u00fclteleri ve gelenek d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131\u011f\u0131yla pop\u00fclarite yakalayan hoca enflasyonu \u00fczerinden yap\u0131labilir.<\/p>\n
T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin e\u011fitim sistemini inceleyen ve g\u00f6zlemlerini 1937 y\u0131l\u0131nda kaleme alan \u0130talyan Yazar N. Mollica e\u011fitimde Tanr\u0131\u2019n\u0131n d\u0131\u015fland\u0131\u011f\u0131, sek\u00fcler bir metafizi\u011fin, Atat\u00fcrk\u2019\u00fc merkeze alan bir sprit\u00fcalizmin e\u011fitime egemen oldu\u011funu aktar\u0131rken bu siyasi atmosferde \u00fcretilen s\u00f6ylemin ula\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 kendiyle gurur duyma halinin insan\u0131 g\u00fcld\u00fcrecek kadar abart\u0131l\u0131 bir duruma geldi\u011fini ve ele\u015ftirellikten uzak oldu\u011funu, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de dinin yerini devlet ve \u0131rk mitinin ald\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 belirtmektedir. (F\u0131nd\u0131kl\u0131, 2011: 196, 197) Bug\u00fcn \u201cAta-Gazi k\u00fclt\u00fc\u201d h\u00e2l\u00e2 devletin ve cemiyetin merkezindeki yerini korumakta, t\u00fcm okullarda, devlet dairelerinde ve hatta \u00f6zel m\u00fcesseselerde M. Kemal\u2019in b\u00fcst yahut posterleri bizleri kar\u015f\u0131lamaktad\u0131r. Buradan da anla\u015f\u0131laca\u011f\u0131 \u00fczere Bat\u0131c\u0131 rejimi ayakta tutan uygulamalar ve m\u00fcesseseler yakla\u015f\u0131k y\u00fcz senedir ufak tefek r\u00f6tu\u015flarla mevcudiyetini muhafaza etmektedir. Hepsinden \u00f6te, ahl\u00e2k\u0131n p\u0131ht\u0131la\u015fm\u0131\u015f h\u00e2li olan hukuk bir h\u00e2kimiyet remzidir ve biz \u0130talya\u2019dan, \u0130svi\u00e7re\u2019den, Almanya\u2019dan aparma Roma-Germen hukukunu kullanmak suretiyle Bat\u0131\u2019n\u0131n fikr\u00ee ve fiili \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc do\u011frudan kabul etmi\u015f oluyoruz. Bu \u015fartlar alt\u0131nda fikr\u00ee iktidardan bahsedilebilir mi?<\/p>\n
***<\/p>\n
T\u00fcm bu anlatt\u0131klar\u0131m\u0131z, kimisi \u00e7akt\u0131rmadan kimisi ise g\u00f6stere g\u00f6stere yap\u0131lm\u0131\u015f m\u00e2n\u00e2 katliamlar\u0131d\u0131r. Bat\u0131c\u0131 rejimin kurulu\u015f a\u015famas\u0131nda yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir\u00e7ok \u015feyin ise \u00fcst\u00fc h\u00e2l\u00e2 \u00f6rt\u00fcl\u00fc\u2026 Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla hesapla\u015fmak da muhal. Yani \u0130sl\u00e2m\u2019a olan menfi tavr\u0131 herkesin mal\u00fbmu olmas\u0131na ve hayat\u0131 boyunca \u0130sl\u00e2m ile m\u00fccadele etmesine ra\u011fmen 12 Eyl\u00fcl darbesi sonras\u0131, Kenan Evren taraf\u0131ndan \u00e7izilen bir M\u00fcsl\u00fcman profilinin i\u00e7ine oturtulan M. Kemal idaresinin, 1922-1938 y\u0131llar\u0131 aras\u0131nda yapt\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131n tamam\u0131na dair ar\u015fiv belgeleri h\u00e2l\u00e2 sadece bir grup elitin okuyup kendince e\u011flendi\u011fi \u015feyler olma hususiyetini koruyor. Bu d\u00f6nem hakk\u0131ndaki tart\u0131\u015fmalar da hakikatlerin ba\u011fl\u0131 olmas\u0131 sebebiyle hararetli bir \u015fekilde s\u00fcr\u00fcyor. Resm\u00ee ideolojinin cemiyete papa\u011fanvari tekrarlatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 sloganlar ise art\u0131k milleti uyutmaya yetmiyor.<\/p>\n
Burada bir iddiay\u0131 da hat\u0131rlatal\u0131m. Hasan Celal G\u00fczel, Cumhurba\u015fkan\u0131 oldu\u011fu d\u00f6nemde Kenan Evren\u2019in \u00c7ankaya\u2019dan Genelkurmay ar\u015fivine ta\u015f\u0131tt\u0131\u011f\u0131 birtak\u0131m belgeleri imha ettirme niyeti ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 iddia etmi\u015fti. Evren ise, buna kar\u015f\u0131 verdi\u011fi r\u00f6portajda belgeleri imha ettirmedi\u011fi; fakat M. Kemal\u2019in husus\u00ee hayat\u0131 ile alakal\u0131 oldu\u011fu i\u00e7in a\u00e7\u0131lmas\u0131na raz\u0131 olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 cevab\u0131n\u0131 vermi\u015fti. Madem ki, art\u0131k devletin Cumhurba\u015fkan\u0131 dahi Bat\u0131c\u0131 rejimin o d\u00f6nemde yapm\u0131\u015f oldu\u011fu uygulamalardan toptan \u015fik\u00e2yet\u00e7i, \u00f6yleyse T\u00fcrkiye tarihinin 1922-1938 aras\u0131 d\u00f6neminde, Bat\u0131c\u0131 rejimin \u0130sl\u00e2m\u2019a ve M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlara kar\u015f\u0131 nas\u0131l bir tutuma sahip oldu\u011funu, \u0130ngilizlerle ne gibi pazarl\u0131klara oturup \u0130sl\u00e2m\u2019\u0131 bu topraklardan silmek i\u00e7in neler yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6steren belgelerin tamam\u0131 bir an evvel a\u00e7\u0131ls\u0131n; a\u00e7\u0131ls\u0131n ki bu sis perdesi da\u011f\u0131ls\u0131n, herkes sussun yaln\u0131zca ger\u00e7ekler konu\u015fsun!<\/p>\n
Yukar\u0131da s\u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc ettiklerimiz en \u00fcst perdeden dile getirilip Bat\u0131c\u0131 rejimle ger\u00e7ek m\u00e2n\u00e2da hesapla\u015f\u0131lmadan fikr\u00ee iktidar\u0131n tesisini beklemek safdillik olur.<\/p>\n
***<\/p>\n
Unutmadan \u015funu da ilave edelim; T\u00fcrk Ceza Kanunu (TCK)\u2019nda \u015fapka giymeyenlere iki aydan alt\u0131 aya kadar hapis cezas\u0131 verilmesini \u00f6ng\u00f6ren 222. madde 2014\u2019te y\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fckten kald\u0131r\u0131lsa da, \u201cDevrim Kanunlar\u0131\u201dndan olan \u201c\u015eapka \u0130ktisas\u0131 Hakk\u0131nda Kanun\u201d h\u00e2l\u00e2 y\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fcktedir. Bu \u015fartlar alt\u0131nda hangi fikr\u00ee ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel iktidar?..<\/p>\n
<\/p>\n
Kaynaklar:<\/strong><\/p>\n Atalay, Onur, T\u00fcrk\u2019e Tapmak -Sek\u00fcler Din ve \u0130ki Sava\u015f Aras\u0131 Kemalizm-, \u0130leti\u015fim Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, \u0130stanbul, 2019.<\/p>\n F\u0131nd\u0131kl\u0131, Erhan Berat, \u0130talyanlar ve T\u00fcrkler: Mek\u00e2n\u0131n Reel ve Historiyografik \u0130n\u015fas\u0131 (1922-43), Doktora Tezi, Y\u0131ld\u0131z Teknik \u00dcniversitesi, \u0130stanbul, 2011.<\/p>\n Findley, Carter V., Modern T\u00fcrkiye Tarihi -\u0130sl\u00e2m, Milliyet\u00e7ilik ve Modernlik 1979\/2007-, Tima\u015f Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, \u0130stanbul, 2017.<\/p>\n Tun\u00e7ay, Mete, Tek Parti Y\u00f6netiminin Kurulmas\u0131 (1923-1931), Cem Yay\u0131nevi, \u0130stanbul, 1989.<\/p>\n <\/p>\n Yazar: Faruk Hanedar<\/p>\n Ayl\u0131k Dergisi 194. Say\u0131, Kas\u0131m 2020<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" Kas\u0131m ay\u0131, modernle\u015fmek ad\u0131na Bat\u0131l\u0131la\u015fma fikrini benimseyip ahl\u00e2k\u00ee a\u00e7\u0131dan M\u00fcsl\u00fcman Anadolu halk\u0131n\u0131 Bat\u0131l\u0131 toplumlara benzetmek ad\u0131na devrimlerin yap\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131, \u201cBat\u0131c\u0131 T\u00fcrkiye\u201d a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan ehemmiyetli bir ayd\u0131r. Bunun sebebi yaln\u0131zca rejimin kurucusu M.…<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[2],"tags":[],"ppma_author":[14],"class_list":["post-1043","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-fikir","author-admin","no-post-thumbnail"],"yoast_head":"\n